THE admission by Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO) Director-General Advocate Brigadier-General Mantšo Sello that corruption remains one of Lesotho’s greatest challenges should come as no surprise to anyone. It is, however, refreshing to hear such frank acknowledgement from the country’s chief anti-corruption official rather than the familiar rhetoric that often portrays the fight against graft as progressing better than it actually is.
For years, corruption has steadily eaten away at the foundations of Lesotho’s public institutions. It has diverted scarce public resources from essential services, weakened confidence in the government, discouraged investment and left ordinary Basotho questioning whether accountability still exists. The latest Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index score of just 37 out of 100 confirms what citizens already experience daily: corruption remains deeply entrenched in our governance structures.
What makes corruption particularly destructive is not simply the money lost through fraudulent tenders, inflated contracts or abuse of office. It is the gradual erosion of trust. Every scandal that goes unpunished reinforces the belief that there are different standards for the powerful and the ordinary citizen. Once people begin to lose faith in public institutions, rebuilding that confidence becomes an enormous task.
Adv Sello deserves credit for acknowledging that no country is immune from corruption and that Lesotho still faces significant governance weaknesses. He is equally correct in stating that fighting corruption is not the sole responsibility of the DCEO. Parliament, the Judiciary, law enforcement agencies, the private sector, civil society, the media and citizens all have critical roles to play if meaningful progress is to be achieved. But recognising the problem is only the first step.
Basotho have heard anti-corruption promises from successive governments and DCEO leadership for decades. Every new administration pledges zero tolerance for corruption. Every incoming DCEO chief promises institutional reforms. Yet corruption scandals continue to emerge with alarming regularity while convictions in high-profile cases remain few and far between. This is precisely why public scepticism persists.
Adv Sello is right when he argues that corruption investigations are often complex and that convictions ultimately depend on the courts rather than investigators alone. He is also correct that corruption suspects deliberately conceal evidence and exploit weaknesses within the criminal justice system. These realities cannot be ignored. However, the public judges institutions not by explanations but by results.
Every high-profile corruption case that drags on for years without conclusion damages confidence in the justice system. Every unexplained delay fuels speculation that political interference or elite protection is at play. Whether such perceptions are accurate or not becomes almost irrelevant because public confidence depends heavily on visible accountability.
Encouragingly, Adv Sello points to reforms within the DCEO itself, including stronger internal controls, improved case management, tighter ethical standards and greater organisational discipline. Such institutional strengthening is necessary because an anti-corruption agency cannot effectively police others if its own officers are vulnerable to misconduct.
Perhaps the most significant admission in the interview is that some DCEO officers themselves remain under suspension over allegations of corruption and bribery. That acknowledgement demonstrates a willingness to confront internal weaknesses rather than deny their existence. If those investigations are handled transparently and decisively, they could strengthen rather than weaken public confidence in the institution.
Another positive development is the constitutional entrenchment of the country’s anti-corruption body as an independent Anti-Corruption and Ethics Commission. Institutional independence is essential if anti-corruption agencies are to investigate powerful political figures without fear or favour. However, constitutional protection alone will not guarantee effectiveness. Independence must be matched by adequate funding, skilled investigators, modern forensic technology and political will that extends beyond public statements.
The fight against corruption must also move beyond prosecution. Prevention remains equally important. The government ministries should strengthen procurement systems, improve financial oversight, digitise public services where appropriate and enforce transparent recruitment and tendering processes. Closing opportunities for corruption is often more effective than attempting to prosecute offenders after public funds have already been stolen.
Likewise, citizens have responsibilities that cannot be outsourced to the government institutions. Corruption survives because it is often tolerated at every level of society. Small acts of bribery, favouritism and abuse of office gradually create an environment where larger corruption schemes flourish. If Basotho demand integrity only from politicians while excusing unethical behaviour in their own communities and workplaces, the country will struggle to change its culture.
The media also has an indispensable role. Investigative journalism continues to expose wrongdoing that might otherwise remain hidden. Civil society organisations must continue demanding transparency, while Parliament must strengthen its oversight of public expenditure without fear or political calculation.
Ultimately, the success of Adv Sello’s tenure will not be measured by speeches or reform plans. It will be measured by whether public confidence in the DCEO improves, whether stolen assets are recovered, whether investigations become more professional and, most importantly, whether those who abuse public office are held accountable regardless of their political affiliation or social standing.
Lesotho has reached a point where corruption is no longer merely a governance issue; it is a development crisis. Every Loti stolen from public coffers is money taken away from hospitals, schools, roads, water projects and job creation. Every corrupt transaction deepens poverty and widens inequality.
The country cannot afford another decade of promises without tangible results. The challenge now is for the DCEO, the government and every institution entrusted with public resources to demonstrate that integrity is more than a slogan. Basotho deserve a nation where honesty is rewarded, corruption is punished and public office truly becomes a position of public trust.

