By Sofonea Shale
WHEN leaders of political parties in Parliament endorsed the Southern African Development Community (SADC) brokered early-election route, many Basotho asked whether an early poll is the solution.
Before the tabling of this question, civil society had, in its political analysis, realised that what the two belligerent groups in the Lesotho’s body politic believe which was then a change of guard on the one hand and the dissolution of parliament on the other, would not deliver Lesotho out of its quagmire. Though neither of these two options went through, the agreed early election, for all intends and purposes, resembles the former options. Though the original question remains, what is even more important is identifying what reforms Lesotho needs to implement.
First and foremost, the challenge in Lesotho is not necessarily lack of clarity on who Basotho want to lead them. If that was the question, elections would be a perfect solution to the problem. However, the problem is the operationalisation of the coalition government in a society whose political attitude and culture are otherwise highly traditional and patriarchal. Following the New Zealand trip where the Lesotho delegation went to learn about coalition governance that has run for almost 20 years but with world renowned political as well as government stability, a report was released.
This report contains a number of issues comparing the New Zealand system with Lesotho and thus identifying key areas in Lesotho‘s political system that may have to be revisited. Because the early election comes in four months and the focus now is on electoral preparations before dissolution, certain minimum reform requirements can be made if this election is to add value to the long journey of resolving the challenges ahead of Basotho.
The New Zealand report recommends the depoliticisation of the civil service. This issue is very important, not only for ensuring fairness but also, to ensure that Lesotho can progress. The report also talks about the need for the codification of steps to be followed after elections and before installation of a new government.
Those who have sharp memories will remember that there was once a time when former Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili was nearly sworn in as premier before taking an oath as a Member of Parliament. This is just one illustration of why it would, indeed, be necessary to define such a procedure.
The New Zealand report indicates that, in the south Pacific island, coalescing parties engage in debate and discussion over policy issues with a give and take process formally facilitated. In doing so, parties identify issues which would be necessary and could as well be a hindrance in government if unclarified.
The report emphasises the mechanisms for the formation and sustainability of successful coalitions. What is even more relevant to the Lesotho situation are the sections relating to floor crossing and the vote of no confidence. The New Zealand report has been criticised for a number of reasons including that it does not really say anything that has not been said before.
While this may not be refuted, what makes this report distinct is that it has not only impressed the government of Lesotho resulting in its adoption. This means that it could be the means by which reform can be instituted. Now that only a month is left before dissolution what should be the way?
It would be prudent for the government to establish a team made up of people with different skills and backgrounds to lead a rapid reform process that would make submissions to Parliament.
This team should be able to read the New Zealand report and even consult other relevant countries like Germany, solicit citizens’ input and then propose the reforms. Since it may not be possible to make all the reforms before elections, the task of the team would also be to list all the necessary reforms and then categorise them into short-terms, which would mean before elections, medium-term which would be immediately after elections and long-term which would be in the term of the next parliament. This team should be able to solicit consensus among politicians particularly the short, medium and long-term processes.
If Basotho fail on this one, they would have missed a chance to ensure this coming election results in lasting peace and stability.
Since our political leaders are so much embroiled in the melee they have roped this nation into, it would be incumbent upon Basotho to rise up and redefine Lesotho as a sovereign nation.
This means that Basotho, within their political parties, trade unions, business groups, faith-based formations, civic groups and as individuals should be ready to make their voices heard. It would also be important for Basotho to make sure that institutions like the election management body are protected and provided with necessary resources and other support to deliver free and fair elections.
What Basotho can also do is to call upon leaders to commit themselves to accepting the results of the early elections they have opted for.